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　　The world looks far different today than it did before the

global financial crisis struck. Reeling from the most brutal

impacts of the recession, governments, economies, and societies

everywhere are retrenching and pushing hard for increased

protectionism. That's understandable, but it's also dangerous,

maintains global economy expert Pankaj Ghemawat in World 3.0. Left

unchecked, heightened protectionism could prevent peoples around

the world from achieving the true gains afforded by cross-border

openness.

Ghemawat paints a disturbing picture of what could happen--to

household income, availability of goods and services, and other

quality-of-life metrics--should globalization continue to reverse

direction. He then describes how a wide range of players' private

businesses, policy makers, citizens, the press' could help open

flows of ideas, people, and goods across borders, but in ways that

maximize economic benefits for all.

World 3.0 reveals how we're not nearly as globalized as we think

we are, and how people around the world can secure their collective

prosperity through new approaches to cross-border integration.

Provocative and bold, this new book will surprise and move you, no

matter where you stand on globalization.

Preface

Acknowledgments

Part One The Possibilities

　ONE  Colliding Worldviews

　TWO  Semiglobalization Today and Tomorrow

　THREE  Borders, Differences, and the Law of Distance

　FOUR  ADDING Value by Opening Up

Part Two Seven Possible Problems

　FIVE  Global Concentration

　six  Global Externalities

　SEVEN  Global Risks

　……

Part Three　The Choices

　　Pankaj Ghemawat is the Anselmo Rubiralta Professor of Global

Strategy at IESE Business School in Barcelona. He is the author of

five books and many articles published in academic journals as well

as the popular press. He received the McKinsey Award for his

Harvard Business Review article "Regional Strategies for Global

Leadership."

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战后政治经济的这种和平局面于20世纪70年代开始变得不那么稳定。对这一发展通行的描述和解释总结下来指向了20世纪60年代下半叶时的经济增长减弱，这有可能意味着资本主义制度不可能永远像战后年代那样一直保持那么强大的提供能力和提供意愿。西方国家的政府无一例外地在用尽良方尽可能长久地保持社会和平以及政治稳定，并且试验各种新的国家计划和调控经济的技术手段，然而此时的工人阶层却比以往任何时候都要清醒地意识到自己的权利，并执着地坚持保有战后资本主义体系建立之初时对他们许下的种种诺言。如果对于他们来说没有任何的改善的话，为什么要继续跟着资本主义制度玩下去，遵守它的游戏规则，参与资本生成利润的活动呢？至于资本一方，他们肯定非常担心所谓的“期待增长革命

revolution of risingexpectations），以至于长远上看，他们无法维持下去。除非能够以利润不断减少或者在选举压力下的国家经济政策来使私营经济转型成为完全管制、精心计划的准国有经济基础设施为代价。

总的来说，20世纪60年代末的情况就已经接近了卡莱斯基在1943年发表的一篇远见卓识的文章中描写的那种凯恩斯主义模型面临资本的反抗而归于失败的状态（Kalecki1943）。卡莱斯基提出的最根本的问题是：既然凯恩斯主义的经济政策可以保障资方的企业无波动的、持续的增长，那么他们同时代的资本拥有者们还有什么好反对凯恩斯主义的呢？卡莱斯基给出的回答是，因为长期的充分就业会给资本带来风险，因为这样一来劳动者们就会渐渐淡忘因为失业而带来的贫困和窘迫，从而变得过于自负。这样劳动场所和政治中的纪律就会崩溃。所以，按卡莱斯基的观点，资本本质上乐见长期的结构性失业，它可以作为对劳动者的一种警告。一旦他们提出过分要求就有可能面临失业。而这一切的根本前提是国家放弃使用凯恩斯主义的干预手段来保障充分就业

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